THE BRUTALITY OF THE NIGERIAN POLICE: POINT OF ENTRY ASSESSMENT

 

Introduction 

The Nigeria Police Force has been a recurring subject of national debate not for crime-fighting excellence, but for allegations of brutality, extortion, and human rights abuse. From the #EndSARS protests of 2020 to daily reports of harassment at checkpoints, one question persists: Why does the culture of brutality endure? While many focus on post-recruitment conduct, the real diagnosis must begin at the point of entry. Recruitment is the foundation. If the foundation is skewed, everything built on it will tilt.

 

1. The Recruitment Paradox: From Apathy to Avalanche 

Recently, the Police Service Commission announced a recruitment drive for 50,000 constables to boost manpower. Initial reports alleged low turnout. Yet within weeks, over 150,000 applications flooded the portal.

This swing reveals two things: 

Instance 1: In 2022, the NPF opened recruitment for 10,000 constables and received 338,227 applications over 30 applicants per slot. Poverty and unemployment, not passion for service, drive most applications. 

Instance 2: During the 2024 recruitment, viral videos showed applicants sleeping at CBT centers for days, some collapsing from exhaustion. The desperation underscores that policing is seen as “a job” not “a calling.”

When recruitment is a survival ticket, values screening becomes secondary.

You don’t get protectors; you get jobseekers in uniform.

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 2. Quota vs Merit: The Uneven Starting Line 

Section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution mandates “federal character” to ensure national representation. In practice, this becomes state-by-state quotas for police recruitment.

The problem: 

1. Unequal standards: Cut-off marks, educational requirements, and physical tests are reportedly adjusted to fill state quotas. A candidate from State A may enter with 5 credits while State B’s quota is filled with candidates holding 3 credits, because “that’s all who applied.” 

2. Operational imbalance: If an officer can be posted from Sokoto to Bayelsa, then comprehension, communication, and critical thinking must be uniform. Yet officers recruited same year often can’t interpret the same Police Act or write coherent incident reports. 

 

Instance 3: In 2021, a viral video showed officers at a Lagos checkpoint unable to explain the offence for which they stopped a motorist, resorting to “I am the law.” Contrast that with SARS operatives in Abuja who, same year, demonstrated tactical knowledge but zero human rights awareness. Same uniform, different IQ of service.

 

3. Training: Same Syllabus, Different Comprehension 

Yes, recruits go through the Police Colleges in Ikeja, Ogida, Kaduna, Maiduguri, and Oji River. 6 months of drills, law, and weapon handling.

But training ≠ transformation when: 

a. Entry cognition differs: You can’t teach Rules of Engagement at the same frequency to an SSCE holder and a BSc holder when both are in the same class because of quota. One memorizes, the other analyzes. 

b. Curriculum lag: The Police Act was only amended in 2020 after 77 years. Yet training modules still emphasize “force” over “service.” De-escalation, digital evidence, and community policing get 2 hours; parade gets 2 weeks. 

c. No psychological vetting: Global best practice requires psych evaluation for armed personnel. In Nigeria, it’s a 2-minute interview. 

 

Instance 4: The 2020 #EndSARS panel reports documented that many SARS officers joined the unit 3-6 months after leaving Police College. No specialized human rights training. They carried AK-47s before they could spell “fundamental rights.”

 

4. The “Bad Eggs” Myth: Systemic, Not Sporadic 

We often say “few bad eggs.” But emerging patterns suggest structural incubation:

 

1. Pre-loaded attitude: Many recruits join with a “street” mindset. For them, the uniform is authority to “collect” not “protect.” The force doesn’t corrupt them; it amplifies them.  

2. No weeding mechanism: Background checks are paper-based. No community vetting, no social media audit, no integrity testing. If you know a “big man,” your file moves. 

3. Mentorship by brutality: New constables are attached to older officers. If the senior man’s first lesson is “how to find N100 at checkpoints,” that becomes SOP. 

 

Instance 5: In 2023, a recruit in Rivers State was dismissed 4 months after graduation for extorting N50,000 from a student. His statement: “Na so my oga dey do am.” The system taught him before the college could.

 

5. Absence of Monitoring & Evaluation Post-Deployment 

After passing out, there’s no real-time performance audit. 

a. No body-cams, no dash-cams: Unlike Ghana Police or Kenya’s IPOA, Nigerian officers operate with zero digital oversight. 

b. Complaint Response Unit is reactive: The Complaint Response Unit (CRU) on Twitter/X helps, but it’s after-the-fact. Prevention needs active supervision. 

c. Promotion by years, not merit: An officer can harass citizens for 10 years and still become Inspector by “longevity.”

6. The Way Forward: Fixing the Point of Entry 

 

A. Standardize Recruitment Nationally 

If a constable can serve in Kano or Calabar, then entry requirement must be one: same education, same CBT cut-off, same psych test. Quota should apply after merit, not instead of it. 

Example: INEC ad-hoc staff are recruited nationally with one test. Police can do same.

 

B. Tiered Entry System 

1. Constable: Minimum OND/NCE, not SSCE. Policing is technical. 

2. ASP Cadet: Degree holders only. 

3. Specialists: Lawyers, IT, forensic experts via direct short service. 

Even as Nigeria is beginning to happen to them too, this mirrors the military’s model and raises IQ baseline.

 

C. Overhaul Curriculum to Nigerian Reality + Human Rights 

60% Practical: De-escalation, conflict resolution, cybercrime, GBV response. 

40% Law & Ethics: Constitution, Police Act 2020, UN Basic Principles on Use of Force. 

Field immersion: 3 months community posting before final pass-out.

 

D. Independent Vetting & Monitoring 

1. Pre-recruitment: Partner with DSS, ICPC for background checks. Add community attestation. 

2. Post-recruitment: Body-cams for patrol teams. Quarterly evaluation tied to promotion. 

3. Sanction: Dismissal and prosecution for brutality, not transfer. “Redeployment” is not punishment.

 

E. Localize Quota Deployment 

If we insist on quota recruitment, then limit deployment to the geopolitical zone of origin. You can’t lower the bar to enter, then give a national gun. Let officers serve their quota region until they pass national standardization tests. This protects citizens and forces states to send their best.

 

Conclusion: Policing Is Not for Everybody 

Brutality is not a training problem alone; it’s a selection problem. The NPF is not a poverty alleviation scheme. When we recruit based on “who needs a job” instead of “who can protect life,” we create an armed, frustrated, under-trained force and unleash it on citizens.

Until entry standards are uniform, merit-based, and psychologically sound, no amount of retraining will stop the trigger-happy constable. The uniform does not confer dignity, the person in it does.

If we must have 50,000 new officers, let 50,000 be qualified first. Nigeria deserves a police force, not a force on Nigerians.

Call to Action: The Police Service Commission, Ministry of Police Affairs, and National Assembly must urgently review the Police Recruitment Guidelines. Citizens must also demand that “federal character” does not become “federal casualty.”